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Will Trump signal the end of the Trans=Atlantic Alliance |
Alone again. Since World War II’s end, Europe has looked at the world
through a transatlantic lens.
There have been ups and downs in the
alliance with the United States, but it was a family relationship built
on a sense that we would be there for each other in a crisis and that we
are fundamentally like-minded.
Donald Trump’s election
as US president threatens to bring this to an end – at least for now.
He believes more in walls and oceans than solidarity with allies, and
has made it clear that he will put America not just first, but second
and third as well. “We will no longer surrender this country, or its
people,” he declared in his one major foreign-policy speech, “to the
false song of globalism.”
Europeans will not only have
to get used to Trump; they will have to look at the world through
different eyes. There are four reasons to expect that Trump’s America
will be the single biggest source of global disorder.
First,
American guarantees are no longer reliable. Trump has questioned
whether he would defend Eastern European NATO members if they do not do
more to defend themselves. He has said that Saudi Arabia should pay for
American security. He has encouraged Japan and South Korea to obtain
nuclear weapons. In Europe, the Middle East, and Asia, Trump has made it
clear that America will no longer play the role of policeman; instead,
it will be a private security company open for hire.
Second,
global institutions will come under attack. Trump fundamentally rejects
the view that the liberal world order that the US built after WWII (and
expanded after the Cold War) is the cheapest way of defending American
values and interests. Like George W. Bush after September 11, 2001, he
views global institutions as placing intolerable constraints on US
freedom of action. He has a revisionist agenda for almost all of these
bodies, from the World Trade Organization to NATO and the United
Nations.
The fact that he wants to put the “Art of the
Deal” into practice in all international relationships – renegotiating
the terms of every agreement – is likely to provoke a similar backlash
among America’s partners.
Third, Trump will turn all US
relationships on their head. The crude fear is that he will be kinder
to America’s foes than to its allies. Most challenging for Europeans is
his admiration for Russian President Vladimir Putin. Should Trump,
cozying up to Putin in search of a grand bargain, recognize Russia’s
2014 annexation of Crimea, the EU would be placed in a near-impossible
role.
Fourth, there is Trump’s unpredictability. Even
during the 18 months of the presidential campaign, Trump has been on
both sides of almost every issue. The fact that he will say the opposite
today of what he said yesterday, without admitting that he has changed
his mind, shows the extent to which capriciousness is his method.
One
of the benefits the US political system is that it provides a two-month
grace period to prepare for Trump’s world. So what should Europeans do
about it?
First, we need to try to increase leverage
over the US. We know from Trump’s writings and behavior that he is
likely to resemble other strongmen presidents and treat weakness as an
invitation to aggression. We saw from the Iraq experience that a divided
Europe has little ability to influence the US. But where Europe has
worked together – on privacy, competition policy, and taxation – it has
dealt with the US from a position of strength.
The same
was true with the so-called E3+3 policy on Iran – when the big EU
member states shifted the US stance by standing together. To get on the
front foot, the EU now needs to launch a process to agree on common
policies on security, foreign policy, migration, and the economy. This
will be difficult, as Europe is deeply divided, with France fearing
terrorism, Poland dreading Russia, Germany inflamed by the refugee
issue, and the United Kingdom determined to go it alone.
Second,
Europeans should show that they are able to hedge their bets and build
alliances with others. The EU must reach out to other powers to help
shore up global institutions against Trumpian revisionism. And it also
needs to diversify its foreign-policy relationships. Rather than waiting
for Trump to marginalize the EU over Russia and China, Europeans should
fly some kites of their own. Should they, for example, begin consulting
with the Chinese on the EU arms embargo to remind the US of the value
of the transatlantic alliance? Could the EU develop a different
relationship with Japan? And if Trump wants to cozy up to Russia, maybe
he should take over the Normandy process on Ukraine?
Third,
Europeans need to start to invest in their own security. From Ukraine
to Syria, from cyber attacks to terror attacks, Europe’s security is
being probed in different ways. Despite an intellectual understanding
that 500 million Europeans can no longer contract out their security to
300 million Americans, the EU has done little to close the gap between
its security needs and its capabilities. It is time to put meat on the
bones of the Franco-German plan for European defense. And it will be
important to find institutionalized ways of binding the UK into Europe’s
new security architecture.
In all of these areas,
Europeans must keep the door to transatlantic cooperation open. This
alliance – which has so often saved Europe from itself – is bigger than
any individual. And, in any case, Trump will not last forever. But the
transatlantic relationship will be more likely to survive if it is built
on two pillars that understand and defend their own interests.
This
will be a tough agenda to adopt – not least because Europe is facing
its own brand of populist nationalism. France’s far-right National Front
leader, Marine Le Pen, was among the first to congratulate Trump on his
victory, and Trump has said that he would put the UK at the front of
the queue after Brexit. But even Europe’s most Trump-like leaders will
find it harder to defend their national interest if they try to go it
alone. To survive in Trump’s world, they should try to make Europe great
again.
Read more: Europe, Alone in Trump’s World | European Council on Foreign Relations