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| When will the killing stop to finance weapons industry | 
The end of the Cold War was one of the few historical 
moments in which people around the world looked forward to a future that
 promised to be more just and peaceful for everyone. The Berlin Wall was
 finally torn down, following years of tireless civil society activism 
in one of the world’s few peaceful revolutions. Liberal democratic 
systems seemed to be spreading everywhere, compelling Francis Fukuyama 
to craft the (nowadays often-scorned) argument that “The End of History”
 – and consequently the cessation of constant conflict – had finally 
arrived with the falling of the Iron Curtain.
The promising world 'peace dividend', a term initially coined by US president 
George H.W. Bush and UK prime minister 
Margaret Thatcher,
 was on everyone’s lips. Hope was in the air. The Soviet Union and 
United States vowed to work together to further cut down on a nuclear 
arsenal that could have blown up the world many times over. And they 
also seemed to be hard at work getting rid of another major – and often 
underestimated – impediment to peace: proxy wars, the type of war waged 
in the developing world for most of the Cold War, from Latin America to 
Central Asia to the Horn of Africa. 
These were wars in which the Soviet 
Union and US did not directly fight, but paid and favored local 
fighters, often through highly classified operations and byzantine 
financial networks that have inspired generations of spy novelists. 
Before the Cold War, colonial regimes paid local proxies to advance 
their agendas and “divide and conquer”.
As
 the Cold War finally came to a close, it was hoped and 
anticipated that weapon donations would be replaced by UN Peacekeepers 
and a new generation of NGO activists. Indeed, the new crop of 
peacemakers seemed to be more liberated. Free from the stifling 
imperatives of geopolitics, they could implement deals that had 
previously died prematurely at the conference tables of diplomats, 
anxious over the advances of an enemy superpower. The tit-for-tat 
strategies that would reap destruction seemed to be a thing of 
yesteryear.  
The “War to End all Wars” is a coinage that stems from the First World 
War. In the global public imagination: the Cold War would be the real 
“War to End all Wars.” Following its conclusion, an era of enduring 
peace was within immediate reach. Or so it seemed.
Fast forward 28 years since the fall of the Berlin Wall, and few such 
promised realities seem to have materialized. On the contrary, we have 
entered a new era of proxy wars.
Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria,Yemen, Somalia etc.
To bring these complex wars to a halt, we have to be very precise about 
what keeps them going. Saudi Arabia and Iran, probably the two main 
players in proxy wars in a destabilizaion of the Middle Eastern region 
that is steadily increasing, fund proxy forces to bolster their versions
 of Islam—Sunni and Shiite Islam, respectively. It is safe to assume 
that from the perspective of Riyadh and Teheran, furthering sectarian 
interests, inextricably intertwined with access to resources and 
geopolitical influence, are of more importance than peace in the region.
But it is not only sectarian strife—often highlighted in 
the western media—but also global unregulated capitalism that pours 
kerosene on a Middle East that is already in flames. 
Western
 weapon companies see the newly emerging proxy wars as momentous 
opportunities for increased revenues. During a 2015 conference of 
Lockheed Martin in Palm Beach Florida, its executive vice president 
Bruce Tanner predicted “indirect benefits” from the war in Syria. 
Similarly, as the Intercept reports, Raytheon chief executive Tom 
Kennedy spoke of “a significant uptick” for “defense solutions across 
the board in multiple countries in the Middle East.” Referring to Saudi 
Arabia, Kennedy elaborates, “It’s all the turmoil they have going on, 
whether the turmoil is occurring in Yemen, whether it’s with the 
Houthis, whether it’s occurring in Syria or Iraq, with ISIS.” And sure 
enough, stocks for arms have soared in recent years.
But
 it is not only weapons but also oil which disincentivizes policy makers
 from de-escalating proxy wars. As Christopher Davidson, who the 
Economist called “one of the most knowledgeable academics” writing about
 the Middle East, shows in his 688-page long tome “Shadow Wars: The 
Secret Struggle for the Middle East,” how many covert operations in the 
Middle East were historically supported to advance the explicit 
geopolitical or economic interests of the funders. 
According to 
Davidson, the emergence of the US as a major oil producer has motivated 
US policy makers (Trump included) to let Saudi forces engage in exhausting proxy wars 
throughout the region so that a weakened Saudi Arabia is forced to sell 
its state assets.
Whatever the precise motivations, aside from the publicly 
touted humanitarian rationales, oil and weapons play a role in the 
decisions made by states, even when lives are at stake.
But
 whatever the argument, the evidence in support of proxy wars as an 
effective means in the interest of peace is scarce. At least this is the
 case if one follows the analysis coming from the proverbial mouth of 
the horse, the CIA. The spy agency has funded proxy fighters for most of
 its history. 
Reportedly president Obama, at least an initial skeptic in
 the use of proxies, was interested in finding out if funding insurgents
 generally accomplish the stated strategic goals and commissioned an 
internal study.
The report concluded that conflicts were not decided in the interest of 
the US following the funding of proxy actors, unless, according to the 
report, US personnel were on the ground along with the proxies. The 
notable exception—according to the study—was the support for the 
Mujahidin against the Soviet Union in the 1980s. However, although the 
Mujahidin did ultimately chase the illegally invading Soviet forces out 
of the country, Afghanistan did not regain stability. One thing to come 
out of this instability was the merging of the Mujahidin into Al Qaida: 
the very same enemy the US fights in the current global 'War on Terror'. 
This is not just one war, but multiple new proxy wars that cause 
immense suffering and which have, according to the Global Terrorism 
Index, contributed to an almost nine-fold increase in deaths caused by 
terrorism between 2000 and 2016. If we consider the entire historical 
context, the Afghanistan example serves, at best, as a very cautionary 
tale. 
Tthe Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP), demonstrates that 2014 saw an 
increase in the number of active conflicts and also the casualties from 
battle. Forty armed conflicts were active in 2014, whereas in 2013 34 
conflicts were designated active. The increase in conflicts since 1999 
stood at 18 percent. Whatever gains were brought about by the 'peace 
dividend', they have been reversed, with people all over the world 
paying the greatest price.
President
 Donald Trump, by contrast, initially critical of Hillary 
Clinton’s foreign policy, has stepped up military activities since he 
took office. For example, drone strikes, an important component in the 
theater of war in Yemen, have gone up by 432 percent and his $ 110 
billion weapons sale to Saudi Arabia also won't help in getting 
hostilities slowed down.
A new type of vigorous and principled peace movement must be formed in 
this time of crisis. Peace movements in rich countries should join 
Middle Eastern peace movements that rally for more democratic and less 
sectarian governance. Social movements can become stronger by 
integrating divergent points of view, histories and ideologies, which 
inform interpretations of complex conflicts. It necessarily has to look 
at the various internal roots of conflict, and also at how foreign 
governments, from Moscow and Washington to Riyadh and Teheran, fuel 
conflicts.
Supporting and holding political platforms accountable will
 be key to demilitarizing political ideologies and stopping the world in
 its “ruinous race” to global war, to use the words of Gorbachev. More 
often than not, a call to arm a party to a conflict prolongs said 
conflict. 
The public’s immediate question with regards 
to conflicts probably shouldn’t be “Whom should we support militarily?” 
Instead, we should more seriously consider questions such as “Who keeps a
 conflict going?” and “How can we de-escalate it?”
Somehow we the people—who, against all odds, want to raise our 
children in a more peaceful world—have to let our politicians know that 
arms should be removed from most regions of conflict.
Far from 
being out of touch with reality, the global peace movement—though 
worryingly weakened—in fact holds the most realistic solutions to 
conflict. Given the data, it is clear that negotiation with the actors 
in a conflict is the best route to peace. De-escalation is the only 
framework in tune with the realities of the contemporary world as well 
as the lessons of recent history. 
We the people have to compel and force if necessary regional and global 
political forces to work towards de-escalating conflicts. Challenging the 
financial conglomerates that bring weapons into the hand of proxies may be 
one of the most effective ways to do so.
Please get out of your comfort zone and act- the future of your children and grand-children are at stake. 
EU-Digest